Local view: An insider's look at conflict in China
We recently returned from a panda-gazing trip to find that Time had reported that our current home city of Xi’an, much to our surprise, was the site of large scale anti-Western demonstrations. For two days, more than 1,000 people, mostly students, rallied in counter protests to Western demonstrations supporting the Free Tibet movement and against the Beijing Olympics.
Without violence or threats, thousands of demonstrators in several cities throughout China marched to remind the world that from their perspective these demonstrations, riding on the tail of the Olympic torch, were an intentional insult to a rising China and 1.3 billion Chinese.
Having lived in China for just over two months, we do not pretend to understand China’s version of the truth when it comes to Tibet, nor do we support its policies there. Yet, we are starting to appreciate the complexity of the Tibet problem and challenges this country faces as it takes center stage this August.
First, Tibet is not a small, isolated region of this expansive country. The geographical area of the Tibetan Autonomous Region is more than twice the size of France. It also borders four countries. An independent Tibet would significantly change China’s size and its sense of security.
Second, although the TAR has a relatively small population (in Chinese terms) of about 3 million people, an estimated 4 million more Tibetans live outside of the TAR in four neighboring provinces. If an independent Tibet were to emerge, what would become of these newly displaced Tibetans? At the same time, large numbers of Han Chinese have been moving to Tibet since the late 1950s, creating a community of Chinese who know no other home except for Tibet.
Third, according to Chinese history books, and this is all most Chinese have to go on, Tibet has been part of China since the mid-1700s, if not earlier. The Chinese are also aware of the significant investments that the central government has made in upgrading Tibet’s infrastructure and the opportunities that economic development holds for this remote, resource-rich region.
Finally, most recognize that Tibetans are not the only people or region that is not wholly satisfied with the government or the Han majority. China is home to 56 ethnic groups. Ethnic Hans make up more than 90 percent of the population, but ethnic, regional and rural protests are surprisingly common in China.
The government admits that the number of “mass incidents” (those including more than 100 people) has exploded since the early 1990s. In 2004 alone, there were 74,000 mass incidents throughout the country, according to The South China Morning Post. On average, that means there are about 200 protests a day in China. With so many issues in need of reform, what makes the Chinese Tibetans’ grievances so worthy of internal attention at this moment?
Unfortunately, the devil is always in the details.
Working at Jiaotong University and having our girls in public schools has afforded us an extraordinary opportunity to learn and listen. We are starting to understand Chinese sentiment toward the inappropriately timed behavior of some advocacy groups in the West. Regardless of the sentiments of last week’s protesters, most Chinese are not outraged with the West. They are, instead, puzzled by the world’s insensitivity and inability to appreciate what China has accomplished in the past thirty years.
China has exploded onto the scene as the fourth-largest economy in the world, bringing 400 million people out of poverty. For the first time in memory, it has a coherent and peaceful policy toward its neighbors. As it promised, China has become a responsible global power that does not seek to upset the status quo or threaten U.S. power.
This hardly means that China is without problems. On the contrary, some suggest that it is at a precipice. China scholar Susan Shirk calls China the “fragile superpower” because of the domestic challenges it faces. On some level, Chinese know this quite well.
That some want China to solve its Tibet problem is not totally rejected; the question is when and how? What average Chinese people cannot fathom, especially younger educated Chinese who have traveled abroad, is why some in the West feel they have the right to beat China over the head about Tibet just as it is set to unveil its rebirth to the world? Especially given what some great powers are doing outside their borders (think Americans in Iraq), how can the West claim to be in a position to sort out China’s internal problems?
Despite the few protests, most Chinese are optimistically anticipating the Olympic games. They are excited that the world will focus on China and that Westerners will descend on their country, firmly believing that a confident, engaged China is more likely to produce change that will benefit all Chinese.
Patrice C. McMahon is an associate professor in the political science department at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln and currently is a visiting professor at Jiaotong University in the School of Public Policy and Public Administration. Jiaotong University is China’s sponsor for UNL’s new Confucian Institute.
Without violence or threats, thousands of demonstrators in several cities throughout China marched to remind the world that from their perspective these demonstrations, riding on the tail of the Olympic torch, were an intentional insult to a rising China and 1.3 billion Chinese.
Having lived in China for just over two months, we do not pretend to understand China’s version of the truth when it comes to Tibet, nor do we support its policies there. Yet, we are starting to appreciate the complexity of the Tibet problem and challenges this country faces as it takes center stage this August.
First, Tibet is not a small, isolated region of this expansive country. The geographical area of the Tibetan Autonomous Region is more than twice the size of France. It also borders four countries. An independent Tibet would significantly change China’s size and its sense of security.
Second, although the TAR has a relatively small population (in Chinese terms) of about 3 million people, an estimated 4 million more Tibetans live outside of the TAR in four neighboring provinces. If an independent Tibet were to emerge, what would become of these newly displaced Tibetans? At the same time, large numbers of Han Chinese have been moving to Tibet since the late 1950s, creating a community of Chinese who know no other home except for Tibet.
Third, according to Chinese history books, and this is all most Chinese have to go on, Tibet has been part of China since the mid-1700s, if not earlier. The Chinese are also aware of the significant investments that the central government has made in upgrading Tibet’s infrastructure and the opportunities that economic development holds for this remote, resource-rich region.
Finally, most recognize that Tibetans are not the only people or region that is not wholly satisfied with the government or the Han majority. China is home to 56 ethnic groups. Ethnic Hans make up more than 90 percent of the population, but ethnic, regional and rural protests are surprisingly common in China.
The government admits that the number of “mass incidents” (those including more than 100 people) has exploded since the early 1990s. In 2004 alone, there were 74,000 mass incidents throughout the country, according to The South China Morning Post. On average, that means there are about 200 protests a day in China. With so many issues in need of reform, what makes the Chinese Tibetans’ grievances so worthy of internal attention at this moment?
Unfortunately, the devil is always in the details.
Working at Jiaotong University and having our girls in public schools has afforded us an extraordinary opportunity to learn and listen. We are starting to understand Chinese sentiment toward the inappropriately timed behavior of some advocacy groups in the West. Regardless of the sentiments of last week’s protesters, most Chinese are not outraged with the West. They are, instead, puzzled by the world’s insensitivity and inability to appreciate what China has accomplished in the past thirty years.
China has exploded onto the scene as the fourth-largest economy in the world, bringing 400 million people out of poverty. For the first time in memory, it has a coherent and peaceful policy toward its neighbors. As it promised, China has become a responsible global power that does not seek to upset the status quo or threaten U.S. power.
This hardly means that China is without problems. On the contrary, some suggest that it is at a precipice. China scholar Susan Shirk calls China the “fragile superpower” because of the domestic challenges it faces. On some level, Chinese know this quite well.
That some want China to solve its Tibet problem is not totally rejected; the question is when and how? What average Chinese people cannot fathom, especially younger educated Chinese who have traveled abroad, is why some in the West feel they have the right to beat China over the head about Tibet just as it is set to unveil its rebirth to the world? Especially given what some great powers are doing outside their borders (think Americans in Iraq), how can the West claim to be in a position to sort out China’s internal problems?
Despite the few protests, most Chinese are optimistically anticipating the Olympic games. They are excited that the world will focus on China and that Westerners will descend on their country, firmly believing that a confident, engaged China is more likely to produce change that will benefit all Chinese.
Patrice C. McMahon is an associate professor in the political science department at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln and currently is a visiting professor at Jiaotong University in the School of Public Policy and Public Administration. Jiaotong University is China’s sponsor for UNL’s new Confucian Institute.
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